Precision and discipline had been the key elements in maintaining the mutual
siege between East and West. The control of the state of emergency was based on
the
“threat and counter threat” of nuclear deterrence. The border that passed across post-war Europe
corresponded to the state of emergency. It shaped our lives; it was part of our
life even if we did not live in its vicinity.
The geo-political space of Europe has been transformed by the political
upheavals in Eastern Europe. Tearing down the Iron Curtain has revealed Europe
for what it is – a continent that cannot exist without internal borders. The demarcation line
that stretched from the Baltic to the Adriatic has been grassed over but it
will be a long time before the tensions it generated are erased from the
consciousness of the present generation. It is as if the Wall has moved
Eastward: from the centre of Berlin it has moved to the Oder or even further
– as far as Brest. The symbol of a divided world may have disappeared but symbols
of new divisions are appearing in its place. The euphoria that accompanied the
overthrow of tyrants and their bastions has turned into a passion for
constructing new fortifications along new frontiers. Following the demolition
of the epoch-marking divide between East and West, two different time zones
confront each other. The old authorities have been deposed; new ones have to be
installed in their place. Once the right to freedom of speech has been won it
is no longer possible to silence voices of opposition. Where before, the
struggle against a common cause brought about unity, now there may be a
multiplicity of internal conflicts as different groups strive with one another
to take control. The most pressing need is to direct resources to the
regeneration of economically depressed states, but priority often seems to be
given to acquiring new forms of privilege. In areas which have recently won
their independence, groups are created which form alliances or become opponents
of other groups, often on the basis of nationality. At the moment when Europe
is asserting itself, there is a growing animosity towards
‘aliens’. Recognition of what’s ‘mine’ often goes hand in hand with condemnation of what’s ‘theirs’. After preaching tolerance for so long, it now seems that tolerance is, after
all, good only for one
’s own kind. At the moment when human rights are once again under threat, they
are accorded only occasional lip service. We are witnessing not the
disappearance of a frontier but its metamorphosis. Emerging Europe is not a
Europe without frontiers. It is a Europe that will have to decide how it is
going to live with those frontiers.
The Iron Curtain was as simple as the situation it held in check. When Europe
was divided life was predictable. Post-war Europe was predicated on the threat
of mutual annihilation. Its stability depended on the inter-Continental
coexistence of missile silos in Utah and Krasnoyarsk, and on high-level
meetings in Vienna and Geneva. Not a single manoeuvre went unnoticed on the
radar screens of underground surveillance centres in Moscow and Omaha.
Tourists, even those whose only interest was in quite innocuous tourist
attractions, had dossiers opened on them. The only subversive elements during
that period were special service agents and, later, dissidents. Surveillance
along the entire perimeter required an unprecedented use of resources and
brainpower.
The world’s strongest economies worked to maintain the balance of power and its brightest
minds were engaged in propping up the status quo. The slightest shift in this
balance resulted in the threat of nuclear war. Human intellect was equal to
this risky game: the deadly strike was averted. Europe gained the time it
needed to pull itself together again. Workers of Shetsin and Dantzig1,
defenders of human rights in Prague,
“organic intellectuals” of Budapest (Georgi Konrad) took their chance behind the back of the
militarised status quo. When military might alone could no longer prevail they
were ready to act. Demobilisation could now begin.
Precision and discipline had been the key elements in maintaining the mutual
siege between East and West. The control of the state of emergency was based on
the
“threat and counter threat” of nuclear deterrence. The border that passed across post-war Europe
corresponded to the state of emergency. It shaped our lives; it was part of our
life even if we did not live in its vicinity. It provided the form of security
that comes from knowing that in extreme circumstances there is a real threat
that force will be used. Along that border the world lay divided into black and
white, good and evil, freedom and oppression. We might lose ourselves in our
hard daily routine, but the simplicity of that border remained unshakeable. It
was a system of co-ordinates plotting the space where, between life and death,
success and failure passed the life curve of a generation. Here, back to back,
stood the warring factions of Europe. The
“Iron Curtain” formed an invisible internal axis, a backbone. This demarcation line drawn on
the map of Europe was an exact expression of a new world order within which
things changed places: Prague became a twin town with Ulan-Bator; palaces of
culture of identical design were built in Warsaw and in Peking; East Berlin was
a city in Eastern Europe, whereas West Berlin was determined to become more
American then America itself. This internal axis disappeared once the world
that had needed it no longer had a use for it.
The revolution in Eastern Europe did not blow up the well-defined border but
overcame it, causing the disintegration of the formerly hermetically sealed
space. Diffusion of the Clean and the Unclean began. And it all happened so
quietly. Where we were accustomed to see a single
‘bloc’, new states appeared overnight. This was unthinkable without self-control, a
consciousness of the risk of taking the next step, knowing from past experience
that the next step might always be the last. The
“threat – counter threat” system had been universally understood. The “grey zone” – in which the common history would be played out in fiture, demanded much
greater talents. The revolutionaries of the Central and East European countries
were at the peak of their power. They had long abandoned the
“threat – counter threat” system – the lifeblood of military strategists. They were masters of ambiguity. The
momentum of events, crucial to everything, meant more to them than stated
policy objectives that achieved nothing no matter how often they were repeated.
These revolutionaries were tactical geniuses, and to an even greater degree
– geniuses of tact. They enriched the history of political theory with the
life-saving compromise of
“self-controlled revolution”. They were independent enough to measure their strengths against generals,
torturers and the hated nomenklatura. Their self-esteem remained intact when
they, former prisoners and dissidents, sat at the
“round table” with the holders of power. Their strength stemmed from their ability to bring
about immediate change, not from having a vision of the future. The name of
their virtue was
“present awareness”. They allowed the old authorities to resign and managed the dismantling of an
old order. When after so many false dawns the moment for change finally
arrived, they seized their historic moment, and gave a voice to the process
they had set in motion. They worked a miracle: the appearance of a new world
order that was not the result of war. Practically everywhere the
“change of system” happened without revolution or bloodshed.
Once Europe was freed from the “great divide”, everything started to shift, beginning with the space that we inhabit. The
disappearance of the wall created a different space. The distance between
Berlin and Breslau is far greater than the two hours it takes to drive. The
border is no longer a place where you have to hold your breath, where time
stands still and officials inflict petty humiliations. In Hedsalome, Khebe,
Zgozhelets one can still see remnants of the bureaucratic obstacles that used
to impede the traveller. Helmstadt is just the kind of place to take a break
from driving, a small, quaint town whose more important past is known only to
older travellers: once it was a sort of border lock between two worlds. We see
how the space in which we work, study, rest and live is changing and that
alters our mental image of the world. The tourist who wants to broaden his
outlook travels to a neighbouring region instead of crossing the ocean. After
visiting New York, the time has finally come to travel to Prague. And not
necessarily as a tourist, but for professional and business reasons. The need
for the free exchange of business communications is on the increase. Borders
are now crossed for pragmatic, non-humanitarian reasons: there are plenty of
things to do. In passing to make new acquaintances, for example, in the shops,
during studies, on holiday or when looking for work. That exotic zone that
provoked so many bitter and sweet imaginings is gone. Now new impressions and
opinions, some favourable, others less so, are formed on the basis of
experience.
Economic change becomes visible. It can be seen on the motorways on Sunday
evenings when tens of thousands of East European workers drive to the
prosperous industrial regions of south-eastern Germany, then come back to
Dresden, Halle and Gerlitz for the weekend. It can be observed in the
development and acceleration of inter-European exchange, in columns of trailers
from Poland, Scandinavia and south-eastern Europe merging on the Berlin ring
road. The change in direction of European passenger traffic can be gleaned from
the German railway timetable. New industrial regions are springing up; telltale
signs are the black limousines of executives and representatives on the
highways between Plzen and Folksburg, Vienna and Prague, Munich and Dresden,
Hamburg and Shetsin. Border countries once again become the axes of an
ever-increasing flow of people and goods. But, perhaps, the clearest indicator
of the creation of a new space is the volume of trade
– a multi-million traffic of goods from all over the world, personally ferried
between St Petersburg and Berlin, Istanbul and Odessa, Poznan and Ulan-Bator,
Sintzian and Kazakhstan. Old routes
– just like the Amber and Silk Roads – are in use once more. Delays at the border at Brest and Grodno prove that the
road and rail networks have long become inadequate for the increasing volume of
goods being exchanged. Radical changes will have to be implemented to ease this
congestion.
After the demise of the ‘great divide’ and the effort that went into supporting it, Europe seems weary. It appears
that its constituent parts have gone back to the pre-Yalta state, and, perhaps,
even as far back as Trianon. Europe had learned to accept its post-war
condition as a nearly normal state of affairs. Suddenly it turns out to be
artificial and obsolete. The European bloc crumbles into a series of
archipelagoes. Regions drift apart. Channels have to be opened up to preserve
neighbourly relations threatened by war. Even though the wall has gone, we are
seeing in Europe once again closed cities, divided cities, cities under
blockade as well as the newly open cities.
The major division in the world at the present time is probably that arising
from the tension between Rome and Byzantium. Some see Western Europe as under
threat once again; to others it is very clear that Europe does not stretch
further than the Bug. Everyone insists that his vision is the one and only true
Europe. This is how, little by little, the parts of the former whole
increasingly diverge. Large areas disappear and so does the freedom of travel.
A new provincialism begins to appear. People flock to one place and desert
another. Baltic beaches apart from Riga and Tallinn are empty. A handful of
tourists cannot replace the hordes of holiday-makers who used to come from all
corners of the empire. After becoming part of the Ukraine, the Crimea has lost
its holiday-makers and the institutions to run its resorts and finds itself on
its own. Grenades burst on the boulevards of Sukhumi. Intelligent people from
Armenia and Azerbaijan who spoke the same language in Moscow now vie with one
another in mutual hatred. COMECON. the organisation for mutual economic
assistance, has disintegrated: the Soviet Union, an exporter of iron, oil and
gas, no longer exists: everything is traded at world prices. The power stations
of Vilnius and Tallinn are halted. The economies of Central and Eastern Europe
have little chance of breaking into West European markets. As a result, we
witness the creation of a massive intermediary zone, full of bankruptcies,
crises, unemployment and uncertainties. The flow of
‘shuttles’ mixes with the stream of refugees as new exiles appear among the travellers at
European railway stations and airports.
Symbols of the ‘closed world’ of the Eastern bloc exist today only as archives and ruins. Instead of the
internationalism that tried to break through the bloc
’s boundaries we have national symbols; in place of the former collectivism we
see individual and private enterprise and exact addresses instead of anonymity.
In short:
‘the system’ and ‘the Eastern bloc’ have disappeared. Change has meant adapting to a new system. Now there is a
need to be conversant with different countries, with different social systems,
with diverse languages and cultures. There is another East apart from the
Eastern bloc and there is a Europe that does not fit with the idea that
Europeans have of themselves. A new world is taking over from where the old one
ended and history is starting again where it had once seemed about to come to
an end. Behind the
‘system’ that we thought we knew, lay virgin land waiting to be discovered.
The border did not vanish; it reappeared, albeit in an altered form. It has
become just as multi-faceted as the new relationship. In some places it has
become invisible and lives only in recollections, gestures and habits that
betray their old origins
‘from over there’. In some places it appears as an actual border, demarcated by languages and
mountain ridges. The reverse has also happened: borders have appeared where
there were none before. People accustomed to unhindered traffic inside an
endless Empire are now forced to adjust to frontiers, checks and crossings with
all their accompanying hassle. Borders have forced apart families and
generations that until then, even if their lives were hard, had lived in peace
with one other.
The ‘great divide’ undergoes many metamorphoses. It has been eliminated and stops no-one, except
perhaps those who lack the money to cross it or do not have the correct
documents. For those who had learnt to overcome much more complex obstacles in
their long flight it presents no problem. The disappearance of the
‘great divide’ allows one to look freely at an abyss that is more intractable than the old
threatening wall with its watchtowers and barbed wire. Europe has abolished its
shoot-to-kill zones but is now riddled with new trenches and death zones.
Advocates of so-called natural borders can be heard everywhere. Highway
bandits, Rambos armed with machine guns, who set themselves up as lords of
newly seized territory and masters of frontiers, appear on ancient roads and
routes. It does not take much to play the geo- political game in Europe.
Weapons, so freely available in the civilised world, give any bandit the power
over life and death. Everywhere symbols of statehood are changed or newly
created. Often it seems as if a border is all that is required to create a
state and that the segregation of
‘aliens’ is a precondition for establishing one’s ‘own’ identity. Self-determination is weak when it demands segregation from others.
Borders are the external ‘plating’ of states, the sphere of their contacts and frictions. They show us where the
road is likely to lead before we reach the capital of the state. They embody
the essence of the states that begot them. The strength of border
fortifications is inversely proportional to a state
’s internal stability and directly proportional to its internal pressure.
Strongly fortified borders are a sign of the fragility of what they are
designed to protect. The signs that identify them are threats or warnings,
depending on the direction of travel. Dictatorships can be spotted from afar by
their border posts. Their entry is barrica-ded; the view from the windows
obscured with frosted and darkened glass. Cars approaching the border crossing
are forced to negotiate a slalom track. Travellers are escorted into cabins or
partitioned spaces. There, strangers carry out a body search, looking for
printed matter. Even the most carefree harbours the thought that, for the
duration of his stay, anything may happen at any time if he commits the
slightest misdemeanour. The apparently welcoming mood of the border guards is
false. Lightning changes of facial expression can indicate a complete change of
mood. For a lowly subordinate, an encounter with someone from another world at
the border crossing provides him with his one and only chance to assert his
authority. The first indication of technological advance, in the most backward
dictatorships, is always at the borders
– a transition from handwritten cards to computers. The actual process of
crossing a border is unnerving in itself. The entrant arrives in a room and
steps into a blinding cone of light, illuminated from all sides like an insect.
He moves cautiously
– conscious that he is stepping into a no-man’s-land where dangers lurk. He forces himself to suppress his natural urge to
protest against these demeaning procedures because of his desire to be granted
the right of entry.
The alternative is not the absence of a border altogether but a border that is
nothing more than a demarcation line, mapping the limits of a territory and
indicating a crossing point. This is not an unattainable cosmopolitan dream,
but a border that allows life to carry on without hindrance. It is the border
that creates the living space within it. In regions without borders life can be
difficult. The border we are talking about is just a crossing, a staging post,
but it gives a sense of belonging. Such a border does not intimidate; on the
contrary, it has an appeal that is part of each new experience, each departure
and arrival. It is a sign of the richness of diversity. The border defines our
own home territory and provides us with the possibility of being a guest
elsewhere. Crossing a border in a borderless space is a nonsense. Without the
experience of crossing borders Europe would have been the poorer. Europe
’s richness is measured by its changing landscapes. They are places where one can
belong in a given country even without knowing its language. They produce works
of art which can only appear in places that welcome diversity: Italian
architecture, for example, provides the setting for Greek Orthodox religion.
They are the places that produce music derived from the merging of many
traditions
– German, Moravian, Magyar. These places inspire thoughts that can only come to
mind through looking to the East in
‘porta orientis’. Frontier landscapes have synagogues with Gothic-style arches and white
pavilions set against frontier marine scenery. Frontier landscapes allow a man
with an untrained ear to detect a foreign dialect in his own language and to
experience several different nationalities on his life
’s journey before settling on his final one.
Europe has the borders it deserves. They are quite diverse – ranging from the transparent to the frontline. We will know the winners in due
course. This question will be decided not at the borders, but in the societies
that choose the borders that suit them best. If we wish to know what the
borders of Europe will look like in the future, we need to examine the
societies that are using them to establish their separate identities. Societies
that are incapable of self-examination are unlikely to adapt themselves to the
greater complexities of the new Europe.
BERLIN